CLASP
The Center for Law and Social Policy
By Fiona Lu
Asian American (AA) and Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander (NHPI) communities have historically been overgeneralized into one racial category. This has minimized the individual struggles of each ethnic group, including disparities in poverty levels and health outcomes across multiple populations. For instance, data from KFF shows that 63 percent of Marshallese live at or below 200 percent of the federal poverty line, while as little as 12 percent of Indian Americans do. As the most ethnically, culturally, and linguistically diverse group in the United States, the AA and NHPI populations often face distinctive challenges that require thoughtfully tailored services, such as addressing food insecurity.
The Model Minority Myth and Data Aggregation
The model minority myth is at the root of many forms of racial discrimination and invisibility AA communities face. The term was first used in the 1960s to label Japanese Americans as quiet, hardworking, and economically successful, despite Japanese American internment during World War II. The model minority label intended to frame Japanese Americans and, later, all AAs, as the antithesis of Black Americans, who were on the forefront of demanding justice during the Civil Rights Movement. The model minority myth masks the struggles of certain Asian ethnic groups or individual families that grapple with poverty, war trauma, and other challenges. NHPI communities, which are often conflated with AA communities, have their own histories of militarization and colonialism and face displacement from their indigenous lands. These socio-political histories manifest as challenges in attaining education, accessing quality jobs, combating health disparities, and increasing incarceration rates.
To counter the cultural overgeneralization that AAs and NHPIs face, there have been demands to disaggregate data about various AA and NHPI groups. Although the U.S. Census has considered NHPIs as a separate racial category since 1997, many other forms of data collection do not. Disaggregating data can highlight specific disparities the NHPI community faces, such as that in 2020, the average median household income was $91,989 for AAs and $66,406 for NHPIs.
How Food Insecurity Affects AA and NHPI Populations
Just as AA and NHPI populations have the greatest wealth gap, food insecurity is also stratified among various ethnic groups. The 2014 National Health Interview Survey and Data revealed that as many as 1 in 5 (20.5 percent) NHPI adults had experienced food insecurity. Data also analyzed from the California Health Interview Survey about six AA subgroups (Chinese, Japanese, Vietnamese, Filipino, Korean, and South Asian) found that Japanese Californians experienced the lowest levels of food insecurity at 2.28 percent, while Vietnamese Californians experienced the highest levels of food insecurity at 16.42 percent.
Some factors that are particularly correlated with higher levels of food insecurity for AAs and NHPIs include whether individuals are foreign-born, undocumented, older, or have limited English proficiency. These findings highlight the urgent need for more services tailored toward serving vulnerable AAs and NHPIs, who often face language barriers, cultural stigmas, and limited access to resources when seeking help.
The Challenges in Tackling AA and NHPI Food Insecurity
The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) is the most widespread and effective tool for fighting hunger. However, AA and NHPI communities encounter significant barriers to utilizing SNAP, and their participation rates are significantly lower than the U.S. average. Although 25.1 percent of Malaysian Americans experience poverty compared to 15.5 percent of all Americans, only 3.2 percent are enrolled in SNAP, compared to 13.7 percent of the U.S. population. In a qualitative study focusing on Chinese, Filipino, Tongan, and Vietnamese populations in the Greater Los Angeles region, researchers found both structural and cultural barriers to enrolling in California’s SNAP program, including long applications, a lack of translation services, the social stigma of poverty, and a strong cultural emphasis on both family reliance and self-reliance.
How to Support Healthy Food Access for AA and NHPI Communities
Ensuring food security for AA and NHPI communities will require a holistic approach that engages policymakers, community organizations, agencies, and philanthropy, among others. Some examples of how to support food access include:
- Recruiting staff at local human services agencies that represent the cultural diversity of the AA and NHPI communities they serve.
- Equipping non-AA and non-NHPI staff with the resources and knowledge to support both communities.
- Providing resources and materials in the native languages of AA and NHPI populations, even if they do not reach the 5 percent mandatory threshold.
- Supporting AA and NHPI communities all over the country, not only those who live in areas with historically high percentages of AAs and NHPIs.
- Addressing the public charge “chilling effect,” which has left many immigrant communities unsure about their access to public benefits like SNAP.
- Supporting operators of smaller Asian grocery markets to receive approval to accept SNAP benefits in order to increase access to culturally appropriate foods for AA and NHPI SNAP participants.
Addressing food insecurity for our most vulnerable minority populations means understanding the cultural, social, and economic issues those communities face and what processes have shaped and continue to perpetuate them. For the AA and NHPI communities, this means engaging in intentional and culturally responsive solutions, from community engagement in data collection and policymaking to direct service.
By Jesse Fairbanks
The Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) is planning a pilot program to provide direct rental assistance to some people who are eligible for housing choice vouchers (HCVs). Giving cash instead of vouchers to eligible renters is a monumental change that signals trust in HCV participants. While this change has the potential to simplify the program, the pilot could endanger participating tenants in some states by removing oversight of housing quality. The pilots therefore need to be combined with strengthened protections for tenants nationwide.
HCVs currently assist over five million people in approximately 2.3 million households. Unlike public housing, HCVs depend on the private rental market to supply housing. People participating in the HCV program pay 30 percent of their income to rent a unit from a private landlord, and their voucher generally covers the rest. Unfortunately, the program doesn’t work so simply for most eligible people.
HCVs are unreliable for two major reasons. First, the program is severely underfunded. Only one in four people who are eligible receive a voucher. Applicants remain on the waitlist upward of two years. Second, a person’s ability to use their voucher depends on conditions outside of their control such as landlord participation or local housing markets. As a result, HCVs are the most challenging public benefit to use. One federal study estimated that 40 percent of people who receive a voucher are unable to find a unit, and lose their voucher.
Finding affordable, quality housing that meets an entire family’s needs and is owned by a landlord willing to accept a voucher can feel impossible.
Because vouchers depend on the private market, landlords have significant power to decide whether people with vouchers can use their benefits. Average rents often exceed the amount that public housing authorities are willing to subsidize in places where landlords rapidly raise rents. Many landlords just choose not to participate in the HCV program, citing burdens such as the housing quality inspection. They are legally allowed to refuse vouchers as payment in a majority of states or cities. The fundamental power imbalance between landlords and tenants that harms all people navigating the private rental market also prohibits the HCV program from serving more people.
HUD’s proposed design for direct rental assistance could eliminate some of the excuses landlords give for not participating in the program. It could also increase participants’ autonomy during the housing search.
Under HUD’s design, households selected for a voucher would receive funds by direct deposit from a public housing agency. Each household would then be responsible for paying the full rent to their landlord. A well-designed pilot that deposits money for rent directly into HCV participants’ bank accounts would demonstrate trust in people who receive public benefits, signaling that they are deserving of the community’s help. In contrast, programs that monitor or restrict how people can use their assistance imply that recipients are too incompetent to help themselves. Centering recipients’ autonomy in program design supports the broader narrative shift we need to make programs anti-racist.
However, simply providing cash instead of a voucher won’t help tenants find a unit, as landlords will still know they receive assistance. Many landlords refuse to rent to people participating in the HCV program because of racist or classist stereotypes about people who receive public benefits as not being “quality” tenants. These property owners will continue to find workarounds to discriminate against people with vouchers in places without strong source-of-income protections.
HUD’s proposed design could increase landlord participation by eliminating two of the requirements they find burdensome. For households that received direct rental assistance, there wouldn’t need to be a Housing Assistance Payment (HAP) contract between the landlord and the public housing agency because the tenant would issue the full rent payment. Additionally, the tenant would bear primary responsibility for inspecting the unit. Landlords would no longer be asked to leave their units empty until a lengthy inspection and all repairs deemed necessary by the public housing authority are completed, which landlords claim reduces their profits.
There is valid concern among advocates that weakening housing authorities’ oversight during the housing search will expose more tenants to substandard living conditions. Federal data suggest a little over 3 percent of renters with very low incomes endure severe maintenance issues such as inadequate plumbing, but the potential consequences are life-threatening for people who do. These violations are more common in places with older housing stock or weak laws enforcing habitability standards. They’re also challenging to detect with an untrained eye. Rather than unilaterally eliminate the inspection, housing authorities should be encouraged to allow recipients to determine the most appropriate inspection process for themselves, providing several options such as having a professional inspector double-check the unit after they’ve moved in.
All of these changes would make the experience of renting as an HCV participant more similar to the experience of someone without assistance. This shift may disadvantage recipients in places without strong laws protecting or empowering tenants.
For example, tenants in almost 20 states are not legally allowed to withhold rent when a landlord fails to supply quality housing as written in a lease or local law. Strong rent-withholding laws enable tenants to more safely band together and organize rent strikes if a landlord refuses to bargain with them. These laws are a significant source of power for tenants determined to improve their housing quality. Roughly the same number of states don’t permit tenants to repair maintenance issues and deduct the costs from the rent, either. In theory, a pilot that provides cash instead of vouchers could harmonize with laws that empower tenants to withhold rent when a landlord fails to provide safe housing. But state laws differ dramatically. HCV recipients in places with weak tenant protections may need a HAP contract to preserve minimal rights to a safe home.
The changes HUD has proposed will not right the imbalance of systemic power between landlords and tenants at the core of HCVs’ ineffectiveness. With the rollout of these pilots, the Biden-Harris Administration must explore administrative levers available to standardize tenant protections for people in federally assisted housing, while also pressuring Congress to pass a national tenants’ bill of rights.
By Jesse Fairbanks, Amira Iwuala, Parker Gilkesson Davis, and Kathy Tran
In 2021, the Center for Law and Social Policy (CLASP) began a community engagement effort called Community-Driven Policies and Practices (CDPP). The project was led by CLASP staff and a steering committee of community members known as the Core Collective. Together, we facilitated a series of power-building sessions in Baltimore, Las Vegas, and Tribal Nations in the Pacific Northwest. Our goal in these sessions was to create a safe, inspiring space for people experiencing poverty to dream up policies with the potential to deliver economic justice and strategies to advance them. The sessions culminated in an advocacy plan to implement a policy goal that each group believed would advance their vision for economic justice.
The first half of this report summarizes CDPP, including the project’s guiding principles, planning team, and engagement strategy. This section also spotlights the advocacy plans that community members drafted while participating in CDPP power-building sessions.
Using CDPP as a case study, the second half of this report explores best practices for engaging people with lived experience of poverty in nonprofit advocacy, based on the ideas of CLASP staff, the Core Collective, and community participants. Each grouping of recommendations is divided into actions that could be carried out by staff leading community engagement and structural changes that would need to be spearheaded by leaders in nonprofits. The recommendations for nonprofit leadership require large-scale changes to the policies, practices, and norms that traditionally govern nonprofit advocacy. We acknowledge that most of these structural changes have not been implemented by CLASP or similar nonprofits.
The recommendations fall into five main categories, all of which are essential goals that nonprofits should keep in mind when engaging community members:
- Building Trust and Secure Relationships
- Subverting Power Dynamics Rooted in Systemic Injustice
- Partnering with Community from Design Through Implementation and Evaluation
- Recruiting and Onboarding Community Members
- Creating Valuable Experiences for Community Members
The 50+ recommendations in this report are not an exhaustive list of all engagement strategies available to nonprofits. Community engagement is a boundless practice shaped by grassroots leaders over time, with roots in Indigenous democratic decision-making. Our intention with this report is to compile recommendations that, in the experience of CLASP staff, promote meaningful community engagement led by nonprofits or governments.
Through CDPP, we were able to assess the merit of a national nonprofit practicing direct, place-based community engagement. We found that direct connections to national nonprofits can provide value to community members through professional development opportunities, access to people in positions of systemic power, and resources to sustain their advocacy. Place-based projects led by a national organization can expand the tools available to local groups to make large-scale policy change. The value that national organizations can provide community members, however, can be stunted by long-standing norms within nonprofits and philanthropy. This report argues that the individual actions of nonprofit staff can only go so far to ensure meaningful community engagement. The entire system underpinning nonprofit advocacy needs reform to sustain staffs’ efforts to create valuable experiences for community members that inspire them to continue fighting for important policy changes.
By Juliana Zhou
The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) announced a novel Section 1115 waiver opportunity in April 2023 that allows states to offer Medicaid services to individuals who are leaving incarceration. Twenty-two states have already submitted demonstration applications extending Medicaid benefits to qualified pre-release individuals, and CMS has approved applications from California, Washington, Montana, and Massachusetts. The pre-release Medicaid waiver is a major opportunity for states to close the health equity gap for formerly incarcerated individuals and help those leaving incarceration thrive in their home communities.
Individuals leaving incarceration face serious negative health outcomes and a high risk of death due to overdose in the weeks immediately after their release. The carceral health care system has a demonstrated record of racial disparities, chronic health neglect, and inaccessible processes. CLASP urges states to center the rights and privacy of systems-involved populations and guard against the reach and influence of the criminal legal system into the lives of those transitioning back into the community.
Some States Are Investing in Community-Based Care, But More Can Be Done
A key opportunity in the new pre-release Medicaid option is the chance for states to invest in community-based care for individuals leaving incarceration, as Massachusetts has done. The state’s approved demonstration covers community and peer-provided services including doulas; uses its capacity-building funds to offer facility-based care coordinators from community-based providers; and includes a reinvestment plan that would invest federal matching funds into community-based services to support healthy transitions and/or diversion from involvement in the criminal justice system. Massachusetts demonstrates its prioritization of community repair over punitive community supervision for returning individuals through its meaningful engagement with and investment in community-based providers.
The Majority of States Are Opting for the Maximum Pre-Release Period Allowed
The pre-release coverage period ranges from 30 to 90 days, the maximum allowed by CMS. Just over half of the states that have submitted a demonstration waiver have opted for the maximum, and seven of the remaining 10 states have opted for the minimum. We urge all states to opt for the full 90-day pre-release period to maximize the number of people who can benefit from these programs. Having the time to establish a consistent treatment plan prior to release can improve health outcomes for individuals leaving incarceration.
Eligibility Criteria Limit the Equity Impact of Pre-Release Medicaid
Many states’ waiver demonstration applications are part of larger state efforts to address the opioid and mental health crises. Five states limit their demonstration’s eligibility criteria to only individuals suffering from substance use disorder and/or severe mental illness. By over-defining qualifying conditions, states are hindering the impact of this transformative policy opportunity. Incarcerated populations are more likely to have chronic health conditions such as high blood pressure, asthma, cancer, and infectious diseases (e.g., hepatitis C and HIV) than the public. All these conditions can be debilitating or even fatal if not medically monitored.
Eligibility can also be limited by the carceral setting a person is preparing to leave. Whether someone is incarcerated in a state or local jail, prison, or youth correctional facility should not determine if they qualify for pre-release services. States that want to roll out their pre-release Medicaid program methodically should instead consider implementing a timeline for gradually expanding the program to additional facilities rather than setting limitations on facility participation from the outset.
To truly and effectively support an incarcerated individual’s transition back into the community, Medicaid re-entry programs should cover the health care needs of all individuals who would otherwise qualify for Medicaid if not for their incarceration status, regardless of their carceral setting or medical condition.
Only A Few States Plan to Offer Full Medicaid Benefits and Services
Many states’ waiver demonstrations only cover a limited set of Medicaid benefits to individuals prior to their release, which often include case management, medication-assisted treatment, counseling, and a 30-day supply of medication upon release. Only Arkansas, Rhode Island, Utah, and Vermont plan to offer all the health care services included in their state health plans. Some states offering a limited set of benefits also include additional housing or nutrition services targeting health-related social needs.
Conclusion
States have an enormous opportunity through the Medicaid re-entry waiver to invest in community and peer health workers and prioritize community care within the health care system. Sadly, pre-release Medicaid enrollment flexibilities have limited value in the 10 remaining states that have not expanded Medicaid. CLASP hopes that when implementing these waivers, states will learn the lessons of the failed mass incarceration movement and center the health and support needs of individuals transitioning back into the community.
By Lulit Shewan
Pride is a time of celebration and acknowledging the resilience and societal contributions of LGBTQ+ individuals, including in the workplace. Historically, queer individuals have significantly advanced workers’ rights and pushed for greater workplace inclusivity. LGBTQ+ employees have long navigated the intersection between queer struggles and the shortcomings of labor law. Labor unions have been instrumental in securing workplace rights for LGBTQ+ individuals and offering essential protection that has often been overlooked. Before state and federal anti-discrimination laws, unions negotiated fair practices within their contracts, paving the way for broader societal and workplace equality.
The contributions of queer activists to the labor movement are ongoing. Today, queer labor activists fight for comprehensive anti-discrimination protections, health care benefits that include gender-affirming care, and fair wages. These practices have led to significant legislative victories and improved workplace policies, demonstrating the importance of intersectional advocacy.
History of LGBTQ+ in the Labor Movement
Before the 1969 Stonewall rebellion, the union movement largely ignored issues facing the queer community. Without legal protections, employer discrimination based on sexual orientation was rampant, silently victimizing union members and weakening collective power. As the queer liberation movement gained momentum, organized labor began recognizing the urgency of addressing these injustices.
In 1974, San Francisco’s queer community joined forces with the Teamsters to support a boycott against Coors Brewing Company, which was non-union. This partnership expanded into a national boycott, compelling Coors to abandon its discriminatory policies against union supporters and LGBTQ+ community members. The American Federation of Teachers also took a stand, passing a resolution opposing discrimination based on sexual orientation.
The stories of queer workers, both historical and contemporary, illustrate the abundant contributions of LGBTQ+ struggle to the labor movement. In the past decade, the community has seen a surge of cultural support and significant milestones such as the landmark Supreme Court decision affirming the marriage rights of same-sex couples. Yet, despite these advancements, LGBTQ+ individuals continue to encounter obstacles, particularly in the realm of economic equity and stability, while enduring the imminent nature of prejudice and oppression.
Precariousness of LGBTQ+ Workers in the Workplace
Research indicates that nearly half of LGBTQ+ workers have faced job discrimination, including being passed over for jobs, harassed, denied promotions, and even fired. Economic disparities significantly impact LGBTQ+ populations. Studies show LGBTQ+ adults are more likely to experience financial instability, with higher rates of food and economic insecurity compared to non-LGBTQ+ Americans. About 13.1 percent of LGBTQ+ adults live in households experiencing food insecurity, compared to 7.2 percent of non-LGBTQ+ adults. These economic challenges are compounded by discrimination in employment, housing, and health care, which leads to joblessness and underemployment. Income variability and wealth gaps between LGBTQ+ and non-LGBTQ+ adults are also significant.
Within the LGBTQ+ community, these challenges are more pronounced in the transgender community. A 2021 survey found that 21 percent of transgender individuals experience poverty, a 14 percent higher rate than their cisgender counterparts.
Economic discrimination against the LGBTQ+ community is a glaring symptom of our system’s reliance on corporate greed and the exploitation of the working class, compounded by insufficient anti-discrimination laws and weak enforcement. Despite diversity and inclusion initiatives, nearly half of LGBTQ+ workers remain closeted at work due to fear of discrimination, reflecting the systematic exclusion of queer people in corporate policies.
Policy Solutions to Protect LGBTQ+ Workers
Addressing the systemic barriers faced by queer workers means dismantling workplace structures perpetuating discrimination and inequality. The path forward lies in the examples set by intersectional queer labor activists, whose pioneering efforts offer a blueprint for achieving transformative policy reform.
Employers must ensure health care plans are inclusive, covering gender-affirming surgeries, hormone therapy, IVF, and other reproductive health care for LGBTQ+ couples, as well as comprehensive mental health services. Health care providers should be trained on LGBTQ+ issues to ensure respectful and competent care. Inclusive paid family leave policies are essential to support LGBTQ+ employees in diverse family and caregiving situations.
Systemic policies that perpetuate occupational segregation of queer workers and bolster economic policies must be changed to meaningfully tackle financial instability within the LGBTQ+ community. This includes living wage laws, pay equity standards, and robust public benefit programs supporting those facing unemployment or underemployment. Programs to reduce food insecurity and provide housing assistance are vital to address the significant percentage of LGBTQ+ individuals lacking stable housing or guaranteed meals.
Unions focused on supporting queer workers can advocate for pro-union policies that explicitly address LGBTQ+ inclusion in collective bargaining agreements. This includes provisions for paid family leave for chosen family members, child care subsidies for LGBTQ+ parents, and gender-neutral bathrooms in workplaces covered by union contracts. Fostering a union culture that explicitly addresses LGBTQ+ issues in their agendas is crucial. This means creating pathways for queer voices to be heard and represented in leadership roles and decision-making processes.
From these achievements and struggles, we learn the critical importance of solidarity. Queer activists have shown that forming alliances across different movements can lead to significant social change. Their stories remind us that the fight for workers’ rights is inherently linked to the broader struggle for queer liberation.
By Alycia Hardy, Stephanie Schmit, and Rachel Wilensky
National Report
This report analyzes variations in eligibility and access to Child Care and Development Block Grant (CCDBG) subsidies in 2020. State decisions on implementation within the CCDBG program, along with historically insufficient federal and state funding, limit parents’ access to child care assistance. We analyze state-level Administration for Children and Families CCDBG participation data by state, race, and ethnicity, with analysis on both state and federal income eligibility limits. As an update to our previous report with 2019 CCDBG data on inequitable access, this iteration includes a new analysis of data on potentially eligible children, or children who qualify for receiving CCDBG assistance based on the outlined eligibility requirements.
National State-Level Income Eligibility Fact Sheet
This fact sheet outlines CCDGB subsidy eligibility and receipt for children ages 0-13 across the country, analyzing national totals including variations by race and ethnicity, based on state income eligibility.
State-by-State Fact Sheets
Inequitable Access to Child Care Subsidies by State in 2020
These fact sheets outline CCDBG subsidy eligibility and receipt for children ages 0-13 in each state, including variations by race and ethnicity. (See note below about states marked with *, indicating data limitations.)
* Due to data limitations, including sample size limitations in the American Community Survey and/or missing and/or invalid CCDF data from the Administration for Children and Families, we were unable to conduct analyses on potential eligibility and CCDBG access for all racial and ethnic groups in the indicated states.
** Georgia, which did not report any data on race and ethnicity, is excluded from all state and national race and ethnicity analyses, and thus does not have a state fact sheet.
(EXCERPT)
‘New Jim Code’: Federal officials have failed to deter the civil rights harms that artificial intelligence in schools poses to students of color, a new report argues. | The Center for Law and Social Policy
CLASP submitted this statement for the record on June 4, 2024, to the U.S. House Committee on Education and Workforce’s Subcommittee on Early Childhood, Elementary, and Secondary Education for a hearing titled, “The Consequences of Biden’s Border Chaos for K-12 Schools.” The statement makes the case for the need to support schools in meeting their legal obligations to equitably serve immigrant students, including newcomer students. It also addresses the importance of protecting the constitutional right for all children in the United States to receive a public K-12 education regardless of immigration status.
CLASP Media Contact: Archana Pyati apyati@clasp.org
TYP Collaborative Media Contact: Nia West-Bey, nwestbey@typcollaborative.org
Washington, D.C., June 3, 2024—CLASP is pleased to announce the spinoff and launch of a new youth-focused nonprofit that builds upon two decades of youth policy work. The National Collaborative for Transformative Youth Policy (TYP Collaborative) is a new independent organization that will translate young people’s radical imagination and aspirations into transformative policy and systems change by building power with young people and their communities.
The TYP Collaborative will officially begin operating on July 1, 2024 and will be led by CLASP’s current director of youth policy, Dr. Nia West-Bey, who will be the new entity’s executive director.
“We are excited to carry forward our 20-year legacy at CLASP by bringing together policy, advocacy, and activism under one roof in service of transformational change,” said West-Bey. “We look forward to conducting policy analysis and advocacy in close collaborative partnership with young people and integrating organizing principles and strategies into policy work.”
The Center for Law and Social Policy (CLASP) has a proud history as an incubator for several prominent nonprofits. These include the National Women’s Law Center and Bazelon Center for Mental Health Law, both of which are leaders in their fields of advocacy.
The TYP Collaborative will focus its work on the needs and leadership of young people who have been most impacted by oppressive systems of power, historic and on-going policy violence, and systemic marginalization. “By centering the experiences of young people, we will achieve more just systems and better outcomes for all young people,” said West-Bey.
“I’m proud to help Nia launch the TYP Collaborative, a new organization led by a Black woman with deep passion and commitment to organizing the next generation of youth advocates and community leaders to drive policy change,” said CLASP President and Executive Director Indivar Dutta-Gupta. “CLASP looks forward to working side-by-side with the TYP Collaborative. Partnering with groups who organize on the ground is core to our theory of change. And youth and young adults—especially many young people of color—continue to be sidelined in much of our nation’s public policies and will continue to be a focus of CLASP’s work toward economic justice.”
Kisha Bird, a former director of the youth policy team at CLASP and founding board member of the TYP Collaborative said: “I am very proud of over two decades of work by the youth policy team at CLASP. It is an honor to serve as a founding board member for the National Collaborative for Transformative Youth Policy. I am confident that launching the TYP Collaborative is an essential next step on the journey to realizing youth justice in our communities.”
The CLASP youth team’s projects, A New Deal for Youth (ND4Y) and Communities Collaborating to Reconnect Youth Network (CCRY), will also be moved as initiatives within the TYP Collaborative, which will also continue existing work on youth mental health and youth economic justice.
For more information, please visit www.typcollaborative.org.
###
2024 marks the 60th anniversary of the War on Poverty, an ambitious package of social welfare legislation introduced under President Lyndon B. Johnson. Today, as we continue the fight to end poverty, we face both long-standing and more recent structural, systemic, political, and economic challenges that impede this urgent goal.
Our nation has made meaningful gains in the last few decades to bring economic security and opportunity to millions. However, the reality is clear—we remain far from achieving the equitable, inclusionary, and transformative changes needed to end poverty and advance a multiracial democracy. In 2023, CLASP redoubled our strategic advocacy, implementation and technical assistance, research and analysis, and narrative change work at the national, state, and local levels.
Our 2023 Impact Report highlights just some of the ways CLASP has worked to limit the harm of poverty in America through a multitude of strategies and collaborations. The COVID public health emergency may be behind us, but the profound economic insecurity experienced every day by millions of children, working people, families, and communities of color is an epidemic that requires immediate attention with substantial public investments.
I often say that poverty is a choice—one made by policymakers, not by people who experience it. CLASP offers policymakers the information, ideas, insights, and inspiration to shrink poverty and help move our country toward equity, justice, and inclusive democracy.
Thank you for being a partner in our mission and vision for a world where children, families, youth and young adults, immigrants, and individuals across all lived experiences and identities can live a healthy, economically secure, and civically engaged life now and for generations to come.
Indi Dutta-Gupta
President and Executive Director