This statement can be attributed to Wendy Cervantes, director of the immigration and immigrant families team at the Center for Law and Social Policy (CLASP).
Washington, D.C., June 27, 2025 – Today, the Supreme Court’s opinion in Trump v. CASA curtailed federal judges’ ability to temporarily block Trump’s birthright citizenship executive order (EO) nationwide. This EO would deny birthright citizenship to babies born without at least one parent who is a U.S. citizen or legal permanent resident. The Supreme Court also delays Trump’s EO from going into effect for 30 days.
While today’s opinion does not address the constitutionality of Trump’s birthright citizenship EO, allowing Trump to end birthright citizenship in some parts of the country within 30 days while litigation on the constitutionality of the executive order continues will cause chaos and harm babies, families, and communities.
In the 1898 decision United States v. Wong Kim Ark, the Court confirmed that U.S. citizenship was a birthright of all children born to immigrants in the United States. Now, for the first time in over a century, millions of babies born in this country may be denied automatic birthright citizenship depending on their ZIP code or their ability to prove their parents’ immigration status.
Today’s opinion has profoundly negative consequences for our nation. A large body of research has documented that U.S. citizenship is a key driver of economic growth, educational attainment, and health. Conversely, research also documents that the denial of legal status results in legal, political, economic, and social exclusion to the detriment of stateless children and to the United States.
Even as litigation continues on the constitutionality of the EO itself, families welcoming a new baby in some parts of the country may soon be required to prove their child’s citizenship. This burden will affect not only mixed-status immigrant families but all families in the impacted jurisdiction, undermining the well-being of newborn babies and their parents. Single mothers, families with low incomes, and families of color will be disproportionately impacted by this requirement.
This fight is far from over, and CLASP stands ready to work with partners to ensure that impacted families and service providers are informed about their rights. We urge the Court to uphold the Fourteenth Amendment and rule that Trump’s executive order is unconstitutional. We also call on federal and state policymakers to stand up against the Trump Administration’s reckless attacks on immigrant families and commit to protecting every child born in the United States.
By Suzanne Wikle
In 2017, Republicans were boldly transparent about their attempt to repeal the Affordable Care Act (ACA), which narrowly failed. Eight years later lawmakers in both chambers have doubled down on stripping health care from people, first in the House’s 2025 reconciliation bill and now as the Senate considers its version of the bill. The House bill would cause 16 million people to lose their health insurance in the next decade; the Senate version may cause even more damage.
Both bills seek to remove people from health insurance through eligibility changes, increasing red tape and other bureaucratic hurdles to make it too difficult for people to enroll, and allowing people’s monthly premium costs on the Marketplace to skyrocket. Lawmakers are also looking to shift costs to states while reducing their tools for financing Medicaid. If the provisions dismantling the ACA and Medicaid in the reconciliation bill end up on the President’s desk, millions of people will lose their health insurance, costs will soar for millions more, rural hospitals will suffer, and states will face greater budget challenges.
The Senate bill cuts nearly $1 trillion from Medicaid and Marketplace health care, ultimately leaving at least 16 million uninsured and millions more with higher costs to keep their health insurance. Cuts to health care include:
Undermining Medicaid expansion as designed in the ACA by creating new eligibility requirements. So-called “work requirements” bury people in paperwork and red tape, making it too difficult to enroll or keep coverage for eligible people. Unlike the House, the Senate bill makes some parents subject to this new eligibility test, which will lead to more people losing their health insurance.
Work reporting requirements do nothing to improve employment, especially living-wage employment that offers health benefits. The truth is that many jobs don’t offer health insurance, and irregular work hours add an extra burden of reporting work hours to the state. The only way to describe “work requirements” is that it is a Medicaid cut. It’s estimated that this provision alone will cause between 5 million and 14 million people to lose their health insurance. Of the small portion of Medicaid enrollees who are not working and are “able-bodied,” nearly 80 percent are older women who have been caregivers and live in families with very low incomes.
The Senate bill continues the House tactic of shifting costs to people: specifically, by increasing cost-sharing (up to $35/service for some Medicaid enrollees) and changing rules around retroactive coverage. The Medicaid expansion population includes those with incomes between 100 and 138 percent of the poverty level ($15,650 – $21,127 per year for a single person and $32,150 – $44,367 per year for a family of four). Expecting people at these income levels to pay more out of pocket for care means that they may choose not to access care. That could make it more difficult for people to manage chronic conditions or receive care when they are ill.
Currently, Medicaid helps people avoid medical debt by providing retroactive coverage for 90 days. For example, if an uninsured person who qualifies for Medicaid is admitted to a hospital, they can apply for coverage, including coverage of medical bills in the previous 90 days. This is a safeguard against personal medical debt and helps providers ensure they are paid for their services. The Senate bill limits retroactive coverage to one or two months, depending on the person’s eligibility category.
“Work requirements” will add a massive amount of red tape to Medicaid, but the Senate bill also keeps other bureaucratic provisions from the House version, including increasing the frequency of redeterminations from 12 months to six months. This change both increases the state’s workload and costs and is burdensome to enrollees. It will cause significant churn – eligible people will lose coverage and then re-enroll within a few months. Seven hundred thousand people could lose coverage because of this inefficient and wasteful provision. And, again, this is a direct reversal of a key piece of the ACA, which set a 12-month timeline for Medicaid redeterminations (importantly, if a person’s income changes during that 12-month period, they are required to report the changes to the state).
Lastly, the House and Senate bills both repeal a new regulatory rule that was designed to make Medicaid enrollment more efficient and streamlined for the elderly and people with disabilities. Repealing this rule not only keeps unnecessary red tape and hurdles in place, but will also directly cause people to lose coverage.
Like the House bill, the Senate puts immense financial pressure on states to pay for costly red tape, administrative hurdles, and lost federal dollars. This is one of many examples in the reconciliation bill where Congress claims to “save” money through cutting “waste” but actually makes states bear the cost instead. Significant resources will be needed for states to build IT systems to handle the new work requirements, and more workers will be needed to process those cases and comply with the new six-month redetermination timeline, which doubles the redetermination administrative work for the Medicaid expansion population. The states will have to pay part of these costs.
The changes to Medicaid financing through provider taxes and state-directed payments will cause states to forgo tens of billions of dollars that are currently used to fund their Medicaid programs—either directly or to shore up hospitals and other providers that, without those dollars, might close. It’s unlikely states will be able to entirely backfill those lost dollars; even if they can, that will come at the expense of other state obligations. Again, this is a cost-shift, not a cost-savings.
The Senate bill also doubles down on the House plan to penalize states based on how states spend state dollars. Some states choose to spend state dollars to provide health insurance to certain undocumented immigrants. The House and Senate bills both call for penalizing these states by forcing them to double the state share for the Medicaid expansion population. That means that the state would have to pay 20 percent instead of 10 percent due to a decrease in federal funding for the Medicaid expansion population. This is only one of many attacks on immigrant coverage.
This provision is yet another repeal of a core facet of the ACA: a 90 percent federal match for the Medicaid expansion population. States will be forced to choose between keeping their 90 percent match or eliminating a state-funded program.
Another pillar of the ACA is the Marketplace and providing tax credits to help people afford insurance. During the pandemic, the tax credits were enhanced, making plans more affordable for millions of people. The Senate bill takes the same position as the House – it does nothing to continue affordable coverage for millions of people. The refusal to extend the enhanced tax credits will cause more than 4 million people to lose coverage due to affordability reasons. Plus, the bills go much further to restrict insurance on the Marketplace by shortening the open enrollment period, changing some of the eligibility rules for special enrollment periods, and requiring more paperwork from applicants.
These attacks on Marketplace coverage are an attack on the ACA. Repealing parts that make it affordable and easy to use may not technically be a repeal of the ACA itself, but millions of people will still lose health insurance.
Some of these changes are clear attacks on people’s health insurance, while others are more in the weeds but also incredibly damaging. Collectively, they drastically alter the landscape of Medicaid , which provides health insurance for 20 percent of the country. While neither the House nor the Senate reconciliation bill explicitly repeals the ACA, all of these cuts and requirements are killing the ACA by a thousand cuts—and harming hospitals, providers, and Americans with low incomes the most.
By Rachel Wilensky and Stephanie Schmit
On March 15, 2025, President Donald Trump signed the Full-Year Continuing Appropriations and Extensions Act, 2025 into law. The law decreased nondefense spending by $13 billion but kept spending levels the same as fiscal year (FY) 2024 for many programs, including the Child Care and Development Block Grant (CCDBG). Even though these programs may not be targeted by line-item cuts, with inflation rising, the FY 24 funding levels won’t go as far in FY25. CLASP estimates that approximately 24,000 fewer children will have access to child care through CCDBG in FY25 due to stagnant funding.
>> Read the full fact sheet here
By Juan Carlos Gomez
Families are already struggling with higher costs of living, and the Senate’s budget reconciliation bill will only increase the costs of health care, food, and everyday necessities. The bill’s text affirms that at its core, this is legislation that will drain money from the families with the lowest incomes in order to benefit the wealthy.
The bill would make the largest cuts to Medicaid and SNAP in history, dismantling the provisions of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) Marketplace that make it effective in providing affordable health coverage and many free health care services to millions. The proposed language in the Senate makes even deeper cuts to Medicaid and, in total, could cause up to 16 million people to become uninsured. These cuts will cause widespread harm and impact essential workers, like child care providers, who rely on Medicaid due to a lack of access to benefits and low-paying jobs. When Congress tried to repeal the ACA in 2017, they failed because it was deeply unpopular and people understood that weakening the Marketplace would leave millions without affordable health coverage.
Additionally, the drastic cuts to SNAP could leave over 8 million people with little to no food assistance, harming our economy. Every dollar that goes to SNAP results in up to $1.80 in economic ripple effects that benefit farmers, grocery stores, truck drivers, payment processors, food manufacturers, and others as the funds circulate in the local economy. Less funding for SNAP means families are spending less, impacting more than 250,000 SNAP-authorized retailers nationwide.
The House-passed bill and Senate proposal would create the first mandate for states to implement work requirements in Medicaid programs and make existing SNAP work requirements even more burdensome. Decades of research show that work requirements don’t increase stable employment or economic security. Instead, they lead to large drops in program participation by creating complex, burdensome paperwork that eligible people often can’t navigate. This causes people to lose benefits not because they’re ineligible, but because the system becomes too difficult to access. These policies are especially harmful to people in low-wage jobs, caregivers, and those with health conditions, many of whom already face systemic barriers like discrimination, lack of child care, or unreliable transportation. Work requirements are simply cuts to life-saving programs under a different name.
While the Senate bill increases the maximum Child Tax Credit (CTC) to $2,200 per child, it does not make the credit fully available to families with little to no earnings. Under the Senate bill, 17 million children will continue to be left out of receiving the full CTC. Additionally, families that do not have at least one parent with a Social Security number would be barred from accessing the CTC under the Senate bill. This would restrict access to the CTC for 2.6 million citizen children.
The bill would make the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) more difficult to claim for 17 million families with low to moderate incomes by adding a burdensome pre-certification requirement. This would create needless red tape and stress for families with children as they file to claim the EITC. Lawmakers have decreased funding and staffing for the IRS, meaning the agency will have less capacity to provide adequate customer support to parents as they navigate this new policy.
Undocumented immigrants are already ineligible for the CTC, Medicaid, Medicare, Affordable Care Act coverage, and SNAP. This legislation bars immigrants who are primarily authorized for humanitarian reasons to be in the United States, like refugees, asylees, and domestic violence survivors, from accessing these programs; in some cases, even green card holders could be blocked. These policies will impact both adults and children: approximately 40 percent of individuals granted refugee status and asylum in FY23 were children.
On top of further limiting immigrant access to essential benefits, this legislation increases funding for mass deportation. Immigrants–including those with authorization–and U.S. citizens alike have been subject to immigration enforcement actions without due process. Over 5 million children have at least one undocumented parent they are at risk of being separated from, and 2.6 million citizen children in the U.S. have only an undocumented parent(s) and are at risk of being left with no one to care for them due to their parent’s detention or deportation. As the Trump Administration continues to strip immigrants of their legal statuses and eligibility for support, the number of children who are harmed by immigration enforcement will grow, the vast majority of whom are U.S. citizens. Fears of immigration enforcement will also cause a chilling effect even among immigrants who qualify for food and health insurance assistance. They will disenroll or not enroll in these lifesaving programs, impacting access for their children and their well-being.
This bill centers wealthy families by offering tax breaks for the rich while cutting and eliminating essential programs that meet the needs of families. These significant tax breaks mean less revenue to support programs that families rely on and undermine their basic needs. Decisions about investments in programs will come with challenging tradeoffs and will, without a doubt, leave families and children, especially those with the lowest incomes, out to dry. Programs like child care, Head Start, and services for people with disabilities will suffer, and positive progress will be lost.
Children and families’ needs for health care and food do not go away just because the federal government chooses not to fund them. Instead, states and local governments–which already have strained budgets–will have to figure out how to implement new, burdensome provisions of the bill and deal with cuts to funding in order to support their residents by shifting costs from other important needs or forcing families off of Medicaid, SNAP, and other essential programs. This bill creates impossible situations for states, forcing them to make decisions about which basic needs they are able to support for the very same families.
As millions of people lose health insurance, the cost of uncompensated care skyrocket, causing tremendous strain on our health care system. This, in turn, could cause hospitals and health care centers to shutter services or close altogether. This will be especially devastating for rural communities where children and families already face barriers to accessible health care, and over 4 in 10 hospitals are already losing money.
Education-related cuts include severe restrictions on federal student aid for students with low incomes at a time when many students already struggle with the increasing cost of pursuing a college degree. Nearly 4.4 million Pell Grant recipients would see their award amounts reduced, and new student loan borrowers would be forced to make larger payments even if they are unemployed or struggling to pay bills. These provisions will drive more borrowers into defaulting on their loans and, as a result, have their CTC and EITC refunds seized. For universities, these restrictions would compound through states being potentially forced to cut education spending to make up for the loss of federal funding for health care and other social services. Institutions would also be forced to no longer offer access to federal student loans, close certain academic programs, or shutter their campuses due to the bill requiring colleges to pay a percentage of unpaid debt.
Workers will see lower wages with rising costs, including for utilities, food, and other necessities in the household. With the continued attacks on unions, all workers face an increase in job security and risk their health and safety at the workplace. And while civil servants have already faced numerous challenges this year due to rounds of layoffs, this bill would cut take-home pay for new civil servants while undermining their workplace rights and limiting federal labor unions’ ability to protect their members.
On top of reducing take-home pay for civil workers, this bill also places a 10 percent tax on labor unions for solely existing in the workplace. Under this bill, it will be increasingly challenging for employees to contest unlawful dismissals or discrimination, and the financial repercussions will be considerably greater for workers aiming to maintain their rights. These changes will affect federal agencies’ ability to retain and recruit workers while placing additional financial burdens on federal workers, their families, and their children.
While a child care crisis persists in our country, this bill does nothing to support access to affordable and accessible child care for children and families. While the bill includes a number of tax incentives and credits related to child care, it does not address the true needs of children and families. In fact, even these tax provisions would not benefit families with low incomes, as they are targeted at employers, higher-income jobs, and families with tax liability. It puts no effort into making child care more affordable for the children and families who need it most or supporting the undervalued and underpaid child care workforce.
By Rachel Wilensky, Karla Coleman-Castillo, and Wendy Cervantes
In the months since inauguration, the Trump Administration has leveled a staggering number of threats on social programs–from executive orders to funding freezes and staff layoffs–that are already harming child care and early learning programs. These assaults on social infrastructure and aggressive moves to reshape the government are accompanied by increasing attacks on immigrants, many of whom rely on or provide child care and early education (CCEE). With a quarter of children under six coming from immigrant families and almost 20 percent of child care providers and early educators being immigrants, anti-immigrant policies directly affect families with young children and CCEE programs.1 This resource will briefly summarize the available data on immigrant children, families, and child care providers and early educators and examine the impact of the Trump Administration’s anti-immigrant policies on CCEE to date.
This statement can be attributed to Wendy Chun-Hoon, executive director and president of the Center for Law and Social Policy (CLASP).
Washington, D.C., June 5, 2025—Late last week, President Trump sent details of his 2026 budget proposal to Congress. This document makes no secret of Trump’s disregard for children, families, immigrants, and workers, all of whom would be grievously harmed by his proposal.
Trump’s proposed budget slashes $12 billion from federal education programs; $5 billion from agriculture programs and initiatives; $4.6 billion from the Department of Labor (representing more than a third of the department’s total budget); and more than $60 billion from health, housing, and community development work, including $1.1 billion from the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration. The proposed budget would also more than double funding for the Department of Homeland Security, in order to fund mass deportation and family separations.
This draconian budget would harm millions of people who are already forced to live on the margins. Among those who would be adversely affected by these cuts are students with low incomes trying to earn a degree, people who rely on housing choice vouchers or public housing for shelter, immigrant families who will be driven even further into the shadows, workers seeking to unionize for fair wages, and working families who need affordable child care.
It’s also notable that funding cuts to the IRS will greatly reduce the agency’s capacity to ensure that the wealthiest are paying their fair share of taxes.
Trump’s proposed budget clearly shows that his administration’s main priorities are attacking diversity, funding massive tax breaks for corporations and the wealthy, and laying waste to the services, initiatives, and programs that have enriched the lives of Americans for generations. This budget, coupled with cuts to Medicaid and SNAP in the reconciliation bill, will deepen poverty and exacerbate inequality. CLASP calls on Congress to reject the Trump budget and support policies that truly support children, families, and communities across the country.
June 4, 2025, Washington, D.C. – Last July, the Center for Law and Social Policy (CLASP) voluntarily recognized CLASP Workers United, a new employee union represented by Office and Professional Employees International Union (OPEIU), Local 2. On May 23, 2025, CLASP Workers United and CLASP ratified their first-ever collective bargaining agreement, which was effective immediately and covers the next 24 months.
The agreement addressed the bargaining unit’s rights and protections, hiring processes, pay scale, leave policy, and workplace disputes, among other provisions.
“With this contract, our goal was to set a strong foundation for the negotiating team that will come to the table two years from now. We absolutely achieved that goal,” said Jesse Fairbanks, CLASP Workers United’s President, “We secured several systemic changes in this contract that can be built upon by future members of our union.”
“I am proud of management and staff for coming together on a collaboratively developed agreement rooted in mutual respect and shared values. It embodies our values, codifies fair labor and compensation practices, reinforces clear promotion pathways, and embraces equity and transparency,” said Wendy Chun-Hoon, CLASP’s new president and executive director. “This agreement strengthens both our internal culture and external impact.”
In particular, the agreement bolsters compensation and workplace practices by:
“We are pleased to welcome the employees at CLASP into the OPEIU Local 2 family. Among other things, I was impressed with the bargaining team’s unwavering dedication to ensuring that the lowest-paid employees were elevated to a living wage. This speaks highly of their commitment to the principles of the labor movement as well as the principles that brought them to CLASP employment,” said Sarah Levesque, Secretary-Treasurer, OPEIU, Local 2.
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The Center for Law and Social Policy (CLASP) is a national, nonpartisan, anti-poverty organization advancing policy solutions for people with low incomes. Because poverty in America is inextricably tied to systemic racism, CLASP focuses its policy and advocacy efforts for economic and racial justice on addressing systemic racism as the primary cause of poverty for communities of color.
CLASP Workers United (CWU) unionized in 2024 as a member of OPEIU Local 2. Our union aims to ensure a balance of institutional power between CLASP management and its workers through increased transparency and shared decision-making. We make space for workers at CLASP to step into their people power and demand organizational change.
CLASP submitted a comment in response to a new rule issued by the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) that gives Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) broad access to the immigration status of sponsors and families of unaccompanied children for enforcement purposes and removes safeguards against release denials based solely on a sponsor’s immigration status. When ICE has access to sensitive information, family members have to consider whether they risk detention or even deportation if they apply to sponsor their child out of federal custody. The Rule also permits ORR to deny children release to their parents or other caring sponsors based on immigration status. A parent’s immigration status has nothing to do with their ability to provide a loving home for their child. If a child does not have any family members with stable immigration status, this Rule could lead to their indefinite detention or permanent family separation. Without sponsors, children face prolonged detention and separation from loved ones. We urge ORR to rescind this rule and to act in the best interests of children in their custody, prioritizing family reunification as quickly and safely as possible.
This statement can be attributed to Wendy Chun-Hoon, executive director and president of the Center for Law and Social Policy (CLASP).
Washington, D.C., May 22, 2025—CLASP is outraged that the U.S. House of Representatives voted today to pass its reconciliation bill. This bill guts health care, restricts access to food, sacrifices our higher education system, and punishes immigrant families, all to provide more tax breaks for wealthy people and corporations. The legislation will now go to the Senate, where further changes are expected to be made.
The reconciliation bill contains numerous policies that will make life even more difficult for millions of children, families, and people living on the margins. Cuts to essential benefit programs will cause disproportionate hardship to communities of color, individuals with disabilities, immigrants, U.S. citizen children with one or more undocumented parents, and college students with low incomes. If signed into law, states across the country will see costs shift to them as the federal government pulls back funding for important programs. This will negatively impact state budgets and force states to push people off Medicaid, SNAP, and end other public services.
Proposed changes to the Child Tax Credit could lead to an estimated 4.5 million children who are U.S. citizens and legal permanent residents no longer benefiting from this credit. Medicaid could see $715 billion in cuts, and an estimated 13.7 million people are at risk of losing health insurance. The new provisions to SNAP would cut nearly $300 billion from the program—marking the largest reduction in its history—meaning 11 million adults and children may receive less food assistance or lose it entirely. A proposed increase of $45 billion in funding for Immigration and Customs Enforcement puts millions of mixed-status immigrant families at risk of being detained and deported as part of the administration’s devastating mass deportation plan. And education-related cuts include severe restrictions on federal student aid for students with low incomes.
These numbers only include people who will be directly harmed by funding cuts. They don’t account for the local economies that will be destabilized by residents having to choose between buying groceries or paying rent, missing work out of fear of immigration raids, or forgoing needed health care because they are no longer covered by Medicaid or afraid to access it even if they are eligible.
Millions of families will lose their health care, access to food, and the Child Tax Credit if this bill is passed into law, and more immigrant children and families will suffer long-term harm. CLASP is opposed to this bill and calls on the Senate to do everything it can to stop this bill from becoming law.
CLASP’s budget reconciliation blog series examines the policies put forward that have particular resonance for children, families, and communities with low incomes. The series can be found here.
Wendy Cervantes was a guest on Breaking Through, a podcast hosted by founder of MomsRising Kristen Rowe-Finkbeiner. The episode, “Moms Equal Pay Day, Families Over Billionaires, How Medicaid Lifts Rural Moms & Families,” discusses how the Trump administration is using tax dollars for human rights abuses against immigrant families, and how we can speak up to our members of Congress and support mixed-status families in our communities.